機(jī)器人工程就業(yè)面如何前景是否廣闊
2022-05-11 11:00:57

這個(gè)之前寫過一些，包括zhi乎，學(xué)校排位不同，差異巨大。

• 名校豪門
• 品牌專業(yè)
• 杰出導(dǎo)師
• 熱門方向

具備上述四點(diǎn)，就業(yè)面前景十分廣闊，薪水非常高。

??全力推進(jìn)加速到來(lái)的機(jī)器人時(shí)代 2022

??從2050回顧2020，職業(yè)規(guī)劃與技術(shù)路徑（節(jié)選）

如下為個(gè)人觀點(diǎn)，僅供參考：

行業(yè)分類，沒有高低之分，只有分工不同！

1. 權(quán)力密集型：多以政府部門為主（直接生產(chǎn)關(guān)系）
2. 資金密集型：金融證券保險(xiǎn)為主（間接生產(chǎn)關(guān)系）
3. 技術(shù)密集型：打工人智力就業(yè)為主，化工廠，電子廠，機(jī)械廠，軟件廠，本質(zhì)一致（直接生產(chǎn)力）
4. 勞動(dòng)密集型：打工人體力勞動(dòng)行業(yè)，跑腿類，勤雜類，作坊式農(nóng)業(yè)（直接生產(chǎn)力）
5. 科學(xué)密集型：事業(yè)單位為主，有撥款支持行業(yè)，無(wú)盈利硬性考核（間接生產(chǎn)力）
6. 信息密集型：類似于技術(shù)，勞動(dòng)，科學(xué)密集，但崗位為智庫(kù)類別（間接生產(chǎn)力）

機(jī)器人行業(yè)為制造業(yè)，主要為技術(shù)密集型，屬于生產(chǎn)力行業(yè)。

1. 生產(chǎn)力行業(yè)待遇水平，通常與利潤(rùn)關(guān)系密切；
2. 生產(chǎn)關(guān)系行業(yè)待遇水平與行業(yè)利潤(rùn)關(guān)系不密切。

部分技術(shù)密集型行業(yè)，盈利水平高，會(huì)出現(xiàn)科學(xué)密集型部門，但是這些部門會(huì)在出現(xiàn)財(cái)務(wù)問題時(shí)大量cai員！

比如：

算法的末日來(lái)了！阿里裁掉大量算法，數(shù)量遠(yuǎn)超其他崗位，因?yàn)樗惴弥咝?，就知道調(diào)參發(fā)論文！

這太正常了。?

技術(shù)密集型行業(yè)是勞動(dòng)密集型行業(yè)升級(jí)而來(lái)的，起源于第一次工業(yè)革命。

是對(duì)打工人體力要求之外，疊加了智力要求，是制造業(yè)升級(jí)對(duì)從業(yè)人員要求的提升！

Relations of Production

Relations of production?are not, as the English phrase suggests, simply the social relationships formed in the actual process of production. Rather, they are the?de facto?power relationships that both underlie and are the result of the division of the fruits of a society's total labor. Household head versus dependents, chief versus subjects, master versus slaves, feudal lord versus peasants, and capitalist versus workers – relations of production are basic asymmetries of power grounded in the organization of material life. In capitalism, relations of production rest upon actual control over productive forces in the process of production, but in other modes of production, as anthropologists and historians eventually showed, this is not necessarily the case.

In relation to the last point, consider the contrast between capitalism and precolonial chiefdoms in Africa. Capitalists put the production process into motion; they or their representatives oversee and supervise in order to ensure that a profit is produced at the end of the work cycle. In many chiefdoms, chiefs did not control the production process itself. Yet, having produced, subjects brought tribute, the fruits of their own labors, to the chief. This contrast illustrates the fact that relations of production, by definition, correspond to the basic structures of power in a society, however that power is constituted – whether by economic, coercive, or religious means (or some mix of these). This makes the reformed notion of modes of production quite different from what is often assumed of Marxism; most particularly, it is not a form of economic reductionism.

Why do productive inequalities occupy a central place in Marx's thought? The answer is that they locate the basic divisions within any society, the lines of potential opposition – of contradiction. Marx saw these as the potential fault lines along which tensions tend to build up are routinely dissipated by small readjustments, and are sometimes violently resolved by radical realignments. These fault lines are structural; they do not necessarily lead to actual struggle and conflict (indeed, the function of the superstructure is precisely to prevent such occurrences). Nevertheless, contradictions always exist as potentialities; they lie just below the surface.